In Cuba, baby steps on the long road to economic reform
Posted on Sunday, 04.15.12
In Cuba, baby steps on the long road to economic reformBy Kevin G. HallMcClatchy Newspapers
HOLGUIN, Cuba_ Sergio Luis Suarez, 24, is among the new faces ofCuba's budding business class. He used to cut hair for profit beforeit was legal, but now he's licensed by the government and hastransformed the front of his mother's apartment into a makeshiftsalon. His monthly profit: about $25, at 50 cents a cut.
Yaceli Hidalgo is another. She opened a small restaurant, using asstart-up money nearly $4,000 sent by relatives in Italy. In thiseastern city, hers is one of 19 such establishments, known in Spanishas "paladares," catering primarily to tourists and European retireeswho spend part of the year in Cuba. Business is good enough that herrestaurant's stayed open 14 months.
All across Cuba, there are legions like Suarez and Hidalgo —entrepreneurs striking out on their own as locksmiths, plumbers,electricians and the like. They've always existed, but operated on asmaller scale, illegally, in the informal economy.
"I can make more money," Suarez explains, comparing his take with theofficial government monthly salary of $20.
In the past 24 months, Cuba's communist government has announced aseries of economic openings intended to ease its announced plan totrim the country's bloated government by 1 million jobs and to buytime as the country transitions away from the reign of two agingCastro brothers who've ruled since 1959 but now are both in their 80s.
The reforms include expanded self-employment, a liberalization ofrules surrounding family-run restaurants, greater flexibility forCuban farmers to sell their products and even creation of fledglingreal estate markets in big cities such as Havana and Santiago.
Most of the 181 newly allowed self-employment categories involvemenial labor and services that are most relevant in urban areas —beauty salons, barber shops, plumbers and the like. By thegovernment's count, it's already granted 371,000 licenses.
The reforms, however, remain far from anything resembling free-marketcapitalism. Tellingly, not included among the openings are medicine,scientific research and a range of technical jobs that the governmenthas kept under its control. There are no wholesale businesses toprovide goods and services to the expanding class of entrepreneurs.
Programs to learn how to run a business also are rare, though theRoman Catholic Church now offers business-training programs in Havana.There are no trade or vocational schools to speak of. Capital forfarming is all but non-existent.
Nevertheless, a week of interviews across the island, conducted byMcClatchy during the recent visit of Pope Benedict XVI, indicates thatCubans welcome the change. However, many remain wary, mindful that asimilar opening 20 years ago snapped shut when the economic crisisengendered by the 1991 collapse of the Soviet Union was overcome.
Among the complaints is the cut the government takes from theirnow-legal earnings — something that might feel familiar to an Americanat tax time.
Hidalgo pays taxes every month to the government and is unhappy thatat the end of the year a government auditor pores over her receiptsand then gives her an additional tax bill.
"You pay all year. Why do they do it to us (again) at the end of theyear?" she complained.
But her biggest challenge is the lack of any wholesale market thatcaters to restaurants. To ensure she has food to serve, she must standin line with ordinary Cubans doing their shopping, often crossing hercity in search of items that invariably have run out.
"You have to walk the entire city looking for that one thing youneed," Hidalgo said.
Unsurprisingly in a country now in its 54th year of communistrevolution, entrepreneurship is a novel concept and business knowledgeis rudimentary.
Angela, who like many Cubans interviewed for this story requested thather surname be withheld, works at a family-run restaurant in Camagueyin central Cuba. When asked how her business turns a profit, she atfirst struggled to answer, then finally explained, "I charge more thanwhat I bought it for."
If that seems obvious, it isn't for ordinary Cubans. For most of thepast 50 years, they haven't known sole proprietorship or privateinitiative. Her simplistic knowledge of business speaks to how longthe road to economic health is for Cuba. Its per person purchasingpower ranks 111th out of the world's 195 economies — though that'sstill ahead of 12 other countries in the Western Hemisphere, all ofwhich have market economies.
Capitalism was anathema to Fidel Castro, the geriatric founder of themodern Cuban state who turned rule over to his brother temporarily in2006 as his health failed and then permanently in 2008, when it becameobvious he would never regain the vitality needed to be a head ofstate.
Fidel Castro nationalized foreign companies and all private propertydecades ago. For most of his rule, the country favored collectivefarming and state enterprises that became icons of inefficiency. Ittook in billions in subsidies from the Soviet Union, which bought thecountry's sugar at prices far above going world rates.
After the Soviet Union collapsed, Cuba opened to joint ventures intourism, a move that brought significant amounts of foreign currency.
But it did nothing for the farming sector, and other than tobacco andits famed cigars, Cuba, once a major provider of the world's sugar, isno longer a significant exporter of agricultural goods. Severalfarmers with whom McClatchy spoke complained that there still was nomoney for modern machinery or fertilizer needed to grow and harvestcrops.
Yaime, a farmer from near Bayamo in eastern Cuba, complained that thestate had required him to raise pigs as part of an effort to boostfood production, but after their slaughter had not paid him for monthsso that he could raise new swine. Things are not getting better, hesaid.
Cutting a second harvest of tobacco near Vinales, southwest of Havana,farmers Osmani Duarte, 45, and Antolin Perez Diaz, 63, chuckled whenasked what's changed for them.
"Nothing," they responded, noting that tobacco remains a state cropand source of needed foreign earnings. The price they earn from thegovernment remains fairly constant but they aren't sharing theprofits, they said.
Ariel, a career farmer in central Cuba, said there have been somereforms that give farmers more control of their crops and whom theycan sell to. It's meant direct sales to the tourism sector and greateraccess to previously untilled land.
Even with the changes, Cuba is unlikely to look like any of itsfree-market Latin American neighbors anytime soon. Raul Castro madethat clear in a speech he gave a year ago unveiling the reforms at the6th Congress of the Cuban Communist Party — the first such congressthe party had held in 13 years.
He criticized the Cuban system, particularly the system of rationingfood that over the years had become "an intolerable burden to theeconomy and discouraged work." But he couldn't quite utter the words"private sector" in announcing a shrinking role for the state.
"The growth of the non-public sector of the economy, far from analleged privatization of the social property as some theoreticianswould have us believe, is to become an active element facilitating theconstruction of socialism in Cuba," the Cuban leader said, carefullychoosing "non-public sector" over "private sector."
That hesitancy colors Cubans' embrace of entrepreneurialism, recallingthe mid-1990s, when Fidel Castro reluctantly allowed the first"paladares" as he tried to navigate the end of Soviet subsidies. Therewere so many restrictions that most were forced to operate illegallyif they wanted to make money.
For example, pizzerias were permitted, but back then the governmentrationed flour and individual citizens were not given enough to run arestaurant. This led to purchases of flour on the black market, andthis flour was of a different color. It made it clear to any Cubanthat the restaurant was operating illegally.
Today, flour is sold openly and not on a black market, though thepossibility of a change of mind is always present.
Some U.S. officials believe what's taking place is being carefullymanaged to lessen an inherent contradiction: the more the governmentopens the economy, the more it embraces what it stood against for fivedecades.
Adding to the uncertainty is the fact that the driver of the reformsis Raul Castro, 80, who ran the Cuban armed forces for decades beforehis ascent to the presidency. As army chief he turned to free-marketconcepts to make the military self-sufficient in crops and partsproduction. He's also placed military cronies in high places,suggesting the openings are calculated with an eye toward just howmuch liberalization can be tolerated.
"The military is really the economic engine of the country, so it'sdone within what the military feels it can manage," said VickiHuddleston, a retired U.S. ambassador who ran the U.S. InterestsSection in Havana from 1999 to 2002. "You have no civil society (inCuba) is what it amounts to."
Another U.S. official currently involved in American policy toward theisland called the reforms "nibbling at the margins."
Still, for Cubans like the barber Suarez, it's all worth it, even ifhe has to pay the government $12 to $15 a month for his license.
"I don't have to hide anymore," he said. "I can promote myself."
http://www.miamiherald.com/2012/04/15/v-fullstory/2750605/in-cuba-baby-steps-on-the-long.html
Corruption and the Morality of Survival / Dimas Castellano
Corruption and the Morality of Survival / Dimas CastellanoDimas Castellanos, Translator: Unstated
Corruption — the action of corrupting — is the result of many causes, that range from personal conduct to the political-economic system of each country. It is an ancient social phenomenon to that occurs to a greater or lesser extent in all societies and has been present throughout the history of Cuba.
In the colony, the gift of the Governor Don Luis de las Casas to the Creole classes was the diversion of funds for the construction of La Cabaña, the gambling den and cockpit that the leader Francisco Dionisio Vives had in the Army Castke for their entertainment. In the first half of the twentieth century the conduct of the political-economic-military elite, emerging from the wars of independence, who made use of public positions for individual purposes, a picture Carlos Loveira reflected in his novel General and Doctors; later between 1940 and 1958 politicians and officials turned corruption into one of the worst evils, to the point where Eduardo Chibas attacked this scourge during the election campaign for the presidential elections to be held in 1952. In the second half of the twentieth century, corruption, which had been confined to the political and administrative sphere, became a widespread social phenomenon.
Thus, corruption is not new, nor did it arise with the Revolution of 1959, what it new is its presence at all levels and spheres of society and the emergence of a dominant negative morality and threatens to become the culture.
The reason for this transformation is in the slide towards totalitarianism that is weakening civic responsibility; the implementation of an economic system unable to establish an appropriate relationship between wages and cost of living, generated frustration and despair. What was the dilemma of the Cuban family in such conditions, with regards to survival?
If, in addition, this behavior was socially accepted and each family of one form or another was forced to use it, then it had to predominate. Faced with the phenomenon, the government's response was limited to repression, vigilance, and inspection, that is, actions on the effects without attacking the causes, as reflected in the official press during the first decade of this century.
The newspaper Juventud Rebelde, May 22, 2001, in Corruption Fighter. A people's inspector in charge of trade violations explained that when he detects a crime, the violators would say, "We have to live, we have to struggle," and tell him, when he tried to stand up for the rights of citizens, "they defend their own victimization"; and on the 1st and 15th of October, in The Great Old Deception, he reported that of 222,656 inspections conducted between January and August 2005, by comprehensive inspectors, they found price violations and alterations in products in 52% of the commercial centers examined, and in 68% of the agricultural markets.
The newspaper Granma, November 28, 2003, in Pricing Violations and the Never-Ending Battle, says that in the first eight months of this year, 36% of establishments inspected were found to have irregularities in markets, fairs, squares and in agricultural markets the index was above 47%, and in food service establishments it was 50%.
In the February 20, 2004, Granma, in Dealing Effectively with Irregularities and Economic Crimes, the Minister of Audit and Control, Lina Pedraza, said, "The causes and conditions that cause crimes and other violations are well know," among which she mentioned a set ranging from "insufficient confirmation of the origin and final destination of the products," to "insufficient supervision of the auditing system."
In the edition of December 24, 2005, it was reported that the regular meeting of the Popular Power National Assembly, Pedro Ross, then Secretary General of the CTC [Cuban Workers Union], "Commented and said that there are employees who are responding, but others do not and continue to justify the thefts and other misconduct."
On February 16, 2007, in Cannibals in the Towers, it addressed the theft of the pylons that support the transmission of high voltage electricity and acknowledged that "technical, administrative and legal methods implemented to date have not slowed the banditry," while on October 26, 2010, in the Price of Indolence, it was reported that in the municipality of Corralillo, in Villa Clara, over 300 homes were built with stolen materials and resources, for which they dismantled 25 kilometers of railway lines and used 59 of the aforementioned pylons from the high tension towers.
From official information, alternative media and rumors that circulate, a list can be compiled of companies and state agencies and senior officials involved in corruption cases between 2010 and 1011. Among them, the Sugar Industry, Basic Industry, Food Industry, Tourism, Aeronautics and Air transport, Internal Trade, Tobacco Industry, Biotechnology and Pharmaceuticals, Sports, and Information Technology and Telecommunications. Many of these cases involved officials and members of the Communist Party.
In an interview of the political scientist Esteben Morales conducted by journalist Patricia Grogg, he characterized "corruption as an extraordinary danger" for its "corrosive power", which makes it a matter of "national security." That is, despite as army of inspectors and inspectors of the inspectors, of the hundreds of workers and officials convicted of bribery, diversion, theft and robbery, and the laws and resolutions, corruption continued on its march.
In an interview published in Juventud Rebelde on the 19th and 26th of February, 2012, Gladys Bejerano, Comptroller of the Republic, stated: I"n our experience, the causes of corruption range from the fact that there was no control of contracts, because those who should have done it did not, and those who had to review it did not review it, and if they did review it they did not do so in any depth.
It is known that the contracts and their reviews are an important mechanism for efficiency, but that aspect does not exhaust the causes of corruption. If this evil in the time before 1959 remained essentially in the political-administrative,realm, one must ask what factors caused its generalization. From my point of view, what is new is in the disappearance of thousands of homeowners who watched over their property and the replacement of this ownership by the Boss [Fidel Castro] with the concept of ownership by all the people, which combined with inadequate wages, led to theft, bribery and other negative manifestations.
Elsewhere in the interview the Comptroller said: If, for the Revolution, it is a matter of life or death to fight corruption, to protect state resources and also to work for greater efficiency, if that is so, and who made the Revolution? The people, because it is the people who have to struggle for it and the people who have to defend it.
The fact is that if the people made the Revolution it was not to be deprived of their property or to be paid a wage that is unable to meet basic needs, which explains that the same people had to adopt the morality of the survivor to survive, or escape to other places on the planet.
If to change everything all that is needed is to try, then there is no other way than to take the path of rights and freedoms for Cubans, like any other people, and to earn a salary that corresponds to the cost of living, to be able to participate in the economy of their country, not just as workers but also as owners and investors, so that in reality many Cubans, along with the State, will watch over their own property and not "the property of the whole people." Without this, corruption will continue along an unstoppable path.
Published April 2, 2012 in Diario de Cuba.
April 13 2012
Church has ‘marriage of convenience’ with dictatorship
Posted on Thursday, 04.05.12
Church has 'marriage of convenience' with dictatorship
Pope Benedict XVI should never have accepted the terms and conditions insisted upon by the Cuban dictatorship for his trip to Cuba. By strictly following the dictatorship's conditions, the trip ended up constituting a sad demonstration of lack of solidarity toward the oppression of the
Cuban people.
It was inappropriate for the pope not to visit with the devoutly Catholic "Ladies in White." It was inappropriate for him not to mention the sacrifice of Orlando Zapata Tamayo, Wilman Villar and Laura Pollán, recent martyrs of Cuba's struggle for freedom.
It is common knowledge that the church's marriage of convenience with the dictatorship was planned and guided by the collaborationist Cuban Cardinal Ortega. But the fact that the "violently remove the peaceful pro-democracy activists from the church!" cardinal may have
been the wedding planner, does not justify the marriage.
It seems as though history has repeated itself in Cuba. I recently re-read Jesuit scholar Manuel Maza Miguel's masterful account of Vatican policy toward Cuba in the 19th Century, Entre la Ideología y la Compasión. Leo XIII, an erudite, respected pontiff, was an ally of many just causes in his time, but he was no friend of Cuba's freedom. Maza Miguel describes how Catholic churches were used as forts by the army of colonial Spain in Cuba.
"How can it be explained," he asks, "that the extraordinary Leo XIII, who showed such solidarity toward the working class, could not understand the justice of the Cuban struggle for independence?" The Jesuit scholar continues, "The measures taken by the Spanish ecclesiastical and civil authorities against those who sought a new direction for Cuba decisively limited the presence and vigor of Catholicism in the Cuban ethos."
There are many admirable, patriotic Catholics in Cuba, and the church will survive this difficult test of faith for Cuban Catholics. But history cannot be separated from politics. It is not surprising that, in contrast to many countries in Latin America and Europe, there was never a "Christian Democratic" political party of any relevance during the first Cuban Republic (1902-1958). I believe the Church's political influence will be even less in the second Republic, which is fast approaching despite the cruel lack of international solidarity the Cuban people have had to suffer for over five decades.
http://www.miamiherald.com/2012/04/05/2733961/church-has-marriage-of-convenience.html
Catholic Church stifles Cuba’s freedom
Posted on Sunday, 04.01.12
The readers' forum
Catholic Church stifles Cuba's freedom
Pope Benedict XVI should never have accepted the terms and conditions insisted upon by the Cuban dictatorship for his trip to Cuba. By strictly following the dictatorship's conditions, the trip ended up constituting a sad demonstration of lack of solidarity toward the oppression of the Cuban people.
It was inappropriate for the pope not to visit with the devoutly Catholic Ladies in White. It was inappropriate for him not to mention the sacrifice of Orlando Zapata Tamayo, Wilman Villar and Laura Pollán, recent martyrs of Cuba's struggle for freedom.
It is common knowledge that the church's marriage of convenience with the dictatorship was planned and guided by the collaborationist Cuban Cardinal Ortega. But the fact that the cardinal may have been the wedding planner does not justify the marriage.
It seems as though history has repeated itself in Cuba. I recently re-read Jesuit scholar Manuel Maza Miguel's masterful account of Vatican policy toward Cuba in the 19th century, Entre la Ideología y la Compasión. Leo XIII, an erudite, respected pontiff, was an ally of many just causes in his time, but he was no friend of Cuba's freedom.
Maza Miguel describes how Catholic churches were used as forts by the army of colonial Spain in Cuba. "How can it be explained," he asks, "that the extraordinary Leo XIII, who showed such solidarity toward the working class, could not understand the justice of the Cuban struggle for independence?" The Jesuit scholar continues, "The measures taken by the Spanish ecclesiastical and civil authorities against those who sought a new direction for Cuba decisively limited the presence and vigor of Catholicism in the Cuban ethos."
Lincoln Diaz-Balart, Miami
http://www.miamiherald.com/2012/04/01/2723702/catholic-church-stifles-cubas.html
Cuba replaces senior revolutionary figure
Cuba replaces senior revolutionary figureBy PETER ORSIHAVANA
Cuba replaced the oldest official in Raul Castro's Cabinet on Thursday, an 88-year-old ex-general who helped mold the communist country's new army and commanded defenses at the Bay of Pigs invasion.
Jose Ramon Fernandez, a longtime member of Communist Party's ruling Central Committee, is out as vice president of the Council of Ministers, according to an official notice published by party newspaper Granma.
Jose M. Miyar Barrueco, 79, is also leaving his post as minister of science, technology and environment.
Castro has publicly regretted that Cuba has failed to groom new leadership to take over from the 70- and 80-somethings who occupy many top posts in his government. Preparing the next generation is a priority for his five-year term, he says.
Granma said Fernandez is being named a special adviser to Castro in recognition of his service to the country and lauded "his experience, the positive results under his charge and particularly his contributions to the educational development of the country."
Fernandez, nicknamed "El Gallego" or "The Galician" for his Spanish roots and accent, was imprisoned before Fidel Castro's 1959 revolution for joining a dissident group of military officers. The new government assigned him to run a military cadet school that laid the groundwork for Cuba's new army. He later was in the Education Ministry for two decades beginning in 1970.
Fernandez was best known to many abroad as the official face of Cuban sport, serving as head of the Cuban Olympic Committee since 1997. Granma did not say if he has left that post as well.
His replacement is 51-year-old Higher Education Minister Miguel Diaz-Canel, an electrical engineer by training and an oft-mentioned name in speculation about the next generation of leadership.
Diaz-Canel's deputy, Rodolfo Alarcon Ortiz, was promoted to his post.
Granma also announced the departure of Miyar Barrueco, who has appeared weak and infirm in recent years.
Miyar Barrueco, known to be close to Fidel Castro, was named head of a yet-to-be-created government body overseeing the research, development, production and commercialization of medicines.
The new minister of science, technology and environment is Elba Rosa Perez, who has headed the Science Department of the Communist Party's Central Committee since 2006.
Two Are an Army / Rosa María Rodríguez Torrado
Two Are an Army / Rosa María Rodríguez TorradoRosa María Rodríguez Torrado, Translator: Unstated
They arrived early to "visit me" as a couple — as they generally do, whenever they are ordered to harass an opponent — young people of both sexes who identify themselves as agents from the Ministry of the Interior. The pretext was a survey conducted for the National Housing Directorate, and they wanted to know my opinions about the purchase and sale of houses and used cars.
The first inconsistency that jumped out at me was that they came to me directly, they knew my name and surnames and they didn't have the forms usual in such cases. However, they said, politely, that my participation was voluntary, but my husband had already invited them in — also politely — and they sat on my living room sofa quite disposed to chat. So despite such a phony pretense, I answered their questions honestly to see what the real motive was of their visit.
I answered questions and thought about the subliminal message I wanted to send to the gendarmes of the political police. But for someone who started in the human rights movement in Guanabo, in 1988, and has long since learned to interpret some behavioral codes of the officers of the Cuban State Security, why not speak out?
I thought — when it was my turn to listen — about the first part of the film The Godfather and the fish received by the 'family' of Vito Corleone wrapped in the bulletproof vest of his hitman Luca Brasi, to communicate that he had been murdered and lay at the bottom of the bay.
I concluded that they had been sent so I would not forget that "they" are there, paying attention to how much say and do — as exercising my freedom and rights is important to me — and they wanted to try, once again, to coerce me. They then raised the question that I found then — and still do — to be the key to that visit. Who is the owner of this home? I said it was me and they insisted, "And the title of the property is in your name?"
Summoning my husband in 1996 or 1997, the police threatened to take the apartment he had acquired with his father in 1959 and they stripped him of it in 2000; since then I have taken steps; the documentation that names me as the owner is not going to appear in any of the offices where one duly registers deeds.
We Cubans who live in this dictatorship and exercise freedom of conscience, are accustomed to the visible (and invisible) presence of the cops, who as devils of the guard, sent "to guard us and keep us" when they like; they attack us with diatribes and without right of reply, covertly harass us or not, sniff in our private lives and enter it without permission and with impunity. And not just threats, but when it's convenient, they carry them out.
Days later, friends in the area alerted me to the operation that was surrounding my house, which lasted seventy-two hours. It seems that the personnel graduated from the academies of the Ministry of the Interior must be hardened in the exercise against the peaceful dissident through maneuvers that these days, in practice, are more costly than effective.
Anyway, although they threatened me they did not intimidate me. They only reaffirmed the precedent of using its enormous power, among others, to join the gang against those who disagree with their policies and express it freely and publicly, although his ideas are driven by a commitment to the homeland.
It doesn't matter how many agents repress us; they are members of the military that responds only to the interests of one party and have the strength and ammunition to try to quell — in vain — the libertarian aspirations of this peaceful and defenseless woman, who like others, only grasps the "weapon" of her words.
March 20 2012
Beset by online surveillance and content filtering, netizens fight on
Beset by online surveillance and content filtering, netizens fight onPublished on Monday 12 March 2012.
This report, which presents the 2012 list of countries that are "Enemies of the Internet" and "under surveillance," updates the report published on 12 March 2011.
The last report, released in March 2011 at the climax of the Arab Spring, highlighted the fact that the Internet and social networks have been conclusively established as tools for protest, campaigning and circulating information, and as vehicles for freedom. In the months that followed, repressive regimes responded with tougher measures to what they regarded as unacceptable attempts to "destabilize" their authority. In 2011, netizens were at the heart of the political changes in the Arab world and elsewhere. They tried to resist the imposition of a news and information blackout but paid a high price.
At the same time, supposedly democratic countries continued to set a bad example by yielding to the temptation to prioritize security over other concerns and by adopting disproportionate measures to protect copyright. Internet users in "free" countries have learned to react in order to protect what they have won. Some governments stepped up pressure on technical service providers to act as Internet cops. Companies specializing in online surveillance are becoming the new mercenaries in an online arms race. Hacktivists are providing technical expertise to netizens trapped by a repressive regime's apparatus. Diplomats are getting involved. More than ever before, online freedom of expression is now a major foreign and domestic policy issue.
New media keep pushing back the boundaries of censorship
Online social networks complicate matters for authoritarian regimes that are trying to suppress unwanted news and information. It was thanks to netizens that Tunisians learned about the street vendor who set himself on fire in Sidi Bouzid and Egyptians learned about Khaled Said, the young netizen who was beaten to death by police outside an Alexandria Internet café. It was thanks to social networks that Sidi Bouzid and Khaled Said became news stories and went on to become cornerstones of the Arab Spring.
The revolution of microblogs and opinion aggregators and the faster dissemination of news and information that results, combined with the growing use of mobile phones to livestream video, are all increasing the possibilities of freeing information from its straightjacket. The mixing of journalism and activism has been accentuated in extreme situations such as Syria, where ordinary citizens, appalled by the bloodshed, are systematically gathering information for dissemination abroad, especially by the international news media, so the outside world knows about the scale of the brutal crackdown taking place.
Even the total news and information blackout in North Korea, the "Hermit Kingdom," is being challenged. Mobile phones give those who live near the Chinese border the possibility of being linked to the rest of the world. And the border is sufficiently porous to allow mobile phones, CDs, DVDs and USB flash drives containing articles and other content to be smuggled in from China.
In Turkmenistan, an "Information 2.0" war was started by a deadly explosion at an arms depot in the Ashgabat suburb of Abadan in July 2011. For the first time, netizens managed to break through the regime's wall of silence by using their mobile phones to film video of the explosion and its aftermath and post it online. They subsequently paid a high price.
Saudi Arabia's relentless censorship has not been able to prevent women from fighting for the right to drive or vote and getting their fight relayed on the Internet, attracting the international community's attention and, as a result, a degree of attention within the country.
In 2011, use of online information to rally support was not limited to "political" goals. The Internet also buzzed with condemnation of corruption and social abuses, including the protests by the residents of the Chinese village of Wukan against the seizure of their farmland by unscrupulous officials, and the documentation of electoral fraud in Russia.
In Vietnam, it is still dangerous to blog about the Chinese-run bauxite mines and their disastrous impact on the environment. The highland region where the mines are located is virtually sealed off. Its few visitors cannot take cameras, video-cameras or smartphones with them. The aim is to prevent the dissemination of potentially-embarrassing video footage. The Bauxitevietnam.info website is nonetheless managing to obtain information and is doing its best to cover the situation.
Internet and mobile phone shutdowns become commonplace
Repressive regimes have learned the lesson. Keeping the media at bay, intimidating witnesses and blocking access to a few news websites are not enough to ensure the success of a news blackout. A much more effective way is to seal off the area concerned to prevent unwanted witness from entering and any digital content from leaving, and to cut off communications by blocking SMS messaging and by shutting down Internet access and mobile phone services in a temporary or targeted manner.
Egypt showed the way at the height of the demonstrations at the end of February 2011 by cutting Internet access for five days, an unprecedented move. Other countries, such as Democratic Republic of Congo, Cameroon and Kazakhstan, have blocked SMS for the first ones or suspended the Internet for the last one during elections or unrest, or even ahead of anticipated unrest. China uses the well-tested tactic of suspending communications in cities or provinces when it loses control of the situation. Tibet, Xinjiang and Inner Mongolia were the first victims.
Nonetheless, shutting down the Internet is a drastic solution that can create problems for the authorities and can hurt the economy. Slowing the Internet connection speed right down is more subtle but also effective as it makes it impossible to send or receive photos or videos. Iran is past master at this. Syria's censors also play with the Internet connection speed, fluctuations being a good indicator of the level of repression in a given region.
Bahrain is an example of a news blackout succeeding thanks to an impressive combination of technical, judicial and physical censorship methods.
More content filtering
As soon as the uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt got under way, most regimes that censor the Internet quickly reinforced online content filtering in a bid to head off any possibility of similar unrest spreading to their own countries. Some regimes have adopted filtering as standard tool of governance, one that strengthens their hold on power. Livestreaming sites and social networks are often the most affected.
In Uzbekistan, the government blocked access to forums where ordinary members of the public discussed the Arab revolutions. In China, the word "Jasmine" and the word "Occupy" followed by the name of a Chinese city were blocked online. In Belarus, where there were major demonstrations, the social network Vkontakte was rendered inaccessible. The Kazakh authorities reacted in a similarly disproportionate manner, blocking not only a few "extremist" sites but also the entire LiveJournal blog platform.
Turkey seems to have backed away from an announced plan, bordering on the ridiculous, to censor 138 words online. It has nonetheless created a system of online content filtering which, although optional, is seen as a veiled form of censorship.
The new Thai government boasts that more online content has been blocked in the past few months than in the previous three years. The grounds given for this new threat to freedom of expression is the need to combat lèse-majesté.
Continuing vigilance is needed in Tunisia where Ammar 404, the nickname for the online filtering and surveillance system established by deposed President Ben Ali, could be revived as a result of a possible judicial decision to require filtering for pornographic content.
South Korea has decided to increase the number of blocked websites in response to the North's propaganda. Tajikistan, which does not figure in this report, has blocked Facebook and news websites while Pakistan is accused of wanting to build its own Great Electronic Wall.
More content removal, pressure on technical service providers
Censors are increasingly trying to enlist private-sector Internet companies in online surveillance and censorship. Some cooperate, others resist. Under government pressure, Chinese micro-blogging websites such as Sina Weibo have had to hire thousands of moderators and now require users to register under their real name.
Website hosting companies are under growing pressure to remove content in response to "notice and take down" process, a procedure likely to lead to abuses, as UN special rapporteur on freedom of expression Frank La Rue has stressed. In Thailand, Prachatai news website editor Chiranuch Premchaiporn is facing a possible 20-year jail sentence for failing to react with sufficient speed when told to remove comments posted by site visitors that were critical of the monarchy.
India is one of the countries where more and more pressure is being put on Internet service providers and website hosting companies. The authorities there are trying to persuade them to provide a preview of content so that anything "shocking" or liable to provoke sectarian strife can be eliminated.
Threat to Net neutrality and online free speech from "right to be forgotten"
More and more individuals are requesting that information involving them be deleted from online archives on the grounds of a supposed "right to be forgotten" or "right to digital oblivion." European commissioner for justice Viviane Reding fuelled concern on 8 November by referring to a proposed directive that would allow anyone to request the deletion of content of a personal nature "for legitimate reasons."
A generalized "right to oblivion," enshrined in a law, would be hard to reconcile with online freedom of expression and information. Such a law would be hard to implement in practice and could place an impossible obligation on content editors and hosting companies – the complete erasure of online content. A thorough debate is need to determine whether individual rights are not already sufficiently guaranteed by existing legal provisions on the right to privacy, media offences, personal data and recourse to the courts.
Surveillance getting more effective and more intrusive
Internet content filtering is growing but Internet surveillance is growing even more. Censors prefer to monitor dissidents' online activities and contacts rather than try to prevent them from going online. The police chief in the United Arab Emirates, for example, has acknowledged that the police monitor social networks.
The security services no longer interrogate and torture a prisoner for the names of his accomplices. Now they want his Facebook, Skype and Vkontakte passwords. It is the same in Bahrain, Turkmenistan or Syria.
The protection of networks of dissidents and reporters' sources is one of the leading challenges in the fight for information. Foreign reporters visiting sensitive countries should take special precautions in accordance with local conditions. It is no longer enough to take a bullet-proof vest when setting off for a war zone or troubled region. A "digital survival kit" is also needed to encrypt information, anonymize communications and, if necessary, circumvent censorship.
Attempts to "phish" for social network usernames and passwords have been reported in Syria and Iran, as well as the use of false security certificates. The attempts were reported in Syria after the authorities had stopped blocking access to Facebook – something that was clearly done not as a conciliatory gesture but in order to facilitate surveillance.
The neutralization of encryption, anonymization and circumvention tools is also being prioritized by repressive regimes. Iran is now capable of blocking https and the ports used by Virtual Private Networks. China is able to restrict the number of IP addresses that can connect to the international network at the same time.
To enhance their surveillance abilities, repressive regimes turn to specialized companies for ever more effective equipment and software for filtering, monitoring and Deep Packet Inspection. The SpyFiles which WikiLeaks has published are a mine of information on the subject. The companies they use are very often western ones that have been lured by a very lucrative market.
They include the US company BlueCoat, criticized for its activities in Syria, the French company Amesys, which supplied Col. Gaddafi, and Vodafone, the target of an ANHRI suit in Egypt. The Italian company AreaSpa finally pulled out of Syria after an international campaign criticizing its cooperation with the Assad regime. The European Parliament has adopted a resolution supporting tougher regulation of exports to repressive countries. A bill with similar aims is currently before the US congress.
In her book Consent of the Networked, journalist and Internet specialist Rebecca MacKinnon has rightly stressed the need for Internet users the world over to raise questions about the way technology is used in order to ensure that their rights and freedoms are protected.
Propaganda rules the Web
North Korea has taken its propaganda war against its southern neighbour on to the Web, establishing a presence on social networks. Cuban propaganda continues to attack bloggers who criticize the government, accusing them of being mercenaries working for the American "empire".
China has signed up "50-cents", bloggers paid to post messages endorsed by the party, ever since the disturbances that shook in Inner Mongolia after a protesting herder was killed by a truck. Propaganda messages like this one have taken root on the Internet: "Dear students and friends, it was just a road accident. Some people with an ulterior motive have interpreted as an ethnic conflict, or linked to oil and gas. The government is taking this case very seriously … We hope that students will not believe the rumours …" The government is believed to have an arsenal of 40,000 microblogs to communicate with the population.
Syria's cyber army is expert in the art of trolling the Facebook walls of opponents and dissidents, often with the aim of discrediting them, and to drown out critical comments with a tide of praise for the government of President Bashar al-Assad. Twitter accounts have been created to exploit the #Syria hashtag, sending out hundreds of tweets with keywords that link to sports results or photos of the country.
Bahrain is spending millions to polish its image abroad and give the impression that the country has returned to normal. This has been capped by the announcement that the 2012 Bahrain Formula One Grand Prix, cancelled last year, will go ahead in April.
Cyber attacks
Cyber attacks in the form of distributed denials of service (DDoS) are widespread. Last year saw the rise of groups of hacker such as Anonymous, which were behind cyber attacks on the Tunisian, Egyptian and Syrian governments' websites.
Governments are often behind attempts to hack news websites or independent sites. Even Eritrea was hit. Opposition sites were blocked just as the United Nations was approving sanctions against the country. Sri Lankan sites were also victims of cyber attacks. On the eve of the parliamentary election in Russia, a series of coordinated cyber attacks and arrests of journalists and bloggers took place with the aim of stifling political discussion, which can only take place freely via the Internet.
During the demonstrations in Belarus, the Internet service provider BelTelecom redirected web users trying to connect to the Vkontakte social network to sites containing malicious software.
Besides a regular army, every country now has a cyber army, which may or may not be official. The reputation of the Chinese cyber police is well established and the Syrian and Iranian cyber armies also play a major role.
Getting rid of awkward witnesses
2011 was the deadliest year for netizens, its violence unmatched in the time that dissidents and human rights campaigners have been making widespread use of the Web. Several were killed in Bahrain, Mexico, India and Syria. Dozens of others are probably still to be identified and there will undoubtedly be still more to add to the toll, particularly in Syria.
In Mexico, drug cartels hit social network users directly. Three netizens and one journalist were shot dead in cold blood. The headless body of a Mexican Internet activist was found in Nuevo Laredo on 9 November. The victim, nicknamed "Rascatripas" (Belly-Scratcher), moderated the website "Nuevo Laredo en Vivo" which exposed organized crime. A message left beside the body proclaimed: "This happened to me for not understanding that I shouldn't report things on social networks."
On 9 April 2011, the netizen Zakariya Rashid Hassan died in custody in Bahrain, a week after he was arrested and charged with inciting hatred, disseminating false news, promoting sectarianism and calling for the overthrow of the government on online forums.
At least seven media workers had already been killed as a result of their work in Syria by the end of February this year. Netizens who also paid with their lives included Basil Al-Sayed, Ferzat Jarban and Soleiman Saleh Abazaid.
Raids and roundups
As netizen numbers grow, more and more of them are at risk. At least 199 cases of arrests of netizens were recorded in 2011, a 31-percent increase compared with the previous year. Today, at least 120 netizens are in prison because of their activities. China, followed by Vietnam and Iran, has the largest number of netizens in prison again this year.
On 16 February this year, a raid was carried out at the Syrian Centre for Media and Freedom of Expression, similarly in Turkmenistan after an explosion at an arms depot near Abadan killed many civilians. Iran and Vietnam have also used similar methods. Vietnam has attacked Catholic networks and China regularly arrests netizens and dissidents to intimidate their followers. Nobel Peace Prize laureate Liu Xiaobo remains behind bars.
Egypt jailed its first political prisoner of the post-Mubarak era, the blogger Maikel Nabil Sanad who was convicted for criticizing the armed forces.
House arrests and "fake releases" abound. China has made this a speciality, as the blogger Hu Jia and cyber-dissident Hada, who campaigns for the rights of the Mongol people, discovered. Vietnam has also used this practice.
Inhuman treatment, pressure and unfair tactics
Many Syrian and Bahraini netizens have been tortured in custody. Iranian authorities in particular favour extracting confessions from dissidents then broadcasting them on television. In Egypt bloggers have reported being subjected to degrading treatment during questioning by security forces.
The "UAE five", a group of netizens and activists accused of online subversion and jailed in the United Arab Emirates, were accused of being traitors, as were their families.
In Bahrain, the noted dissident Nabeel Rajab is regularly smeared in the media as well as being subjected to physically assault.
In Cuba, a pitched battle is in progress between pro-government bloggers and their "alternative" counterparts who criticize the government. The latter, including the blogger Yoani Sanchez, have been the target of a smear campaign in the state-run media and on foreign propaganda sites.
Chains of support
Bonds have been created between blogospheres and citizens throughout the world have started relaying calls for solidarity, as well as startling images and shocking stories. Global Voices, the international network of bloggers and citizen journalists, has played an important role in the dialogue between online communities and NGOs that campaign for freedom of expression.
In order to combat increasingly competent censors, self-styled "hacktivists" have been giving technical assistance to vulnerable netizens to help them share information in the face of pervasive censorship. The campaigns on behalf of the Egyptian blogger Maikel Nabil Sanad and Syria's Razan Ghazzawi have transcended international borders. The hashtag #OpSyria, started by Telecomix – a decentralised network of net activists committed to freedom of expression – has allowed Syrians to broadcast videos of the crackdown.
Last year also saw the development of tools to bypass censorship and blocking of Web access, such as "Internet in a suitcase" and FreedomBox. Cyber freedom activists are working flat-out to respond to increasingly effective censorship tools.
Diplomats enter the picture
Freedom of expression on the Internet is no longer the sole preserve of dissidents, geeks and censors. Diplomats have followed in their wake. Statements and joint texts issued by international organizations and coalitions of countries on Internet freedom have multiplied, from the report by Frank La Rue, the UN special rapporteur for the promotion and protection of freedom of opinion and expression, who last June acknowledged Internet access as a basic right, to the ruling by the European Court of Justice condemning Internet filtering and its adverse effects on freedom of expression.
At a meeting of the U.N. Human Rights Council in late February, the high commissioner for human rights, Navi Pillay, deplored restrictions on the Internet and the arrests of bloggers in some countries. She declared: "The Internet has transformed human rights movements. States can no longer exercise control based on the notion of monopoly over information."
The U.S. secretary of state, Hillary Clinton, urged the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe to approve a statement guaranteeing online freedoms, believing "rights exercised in cyberspace deserve as much protection as those exercised in real space".
For their part, China, Russia, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan defended the principle of a code of good conduct for the Internet, a concept that in reality is aimed as legitimizing censorship.
Democracies have a poor record
Some democratic countries are far from blameless. The free flow of news and information online often loses out to internal security, the war on terrorism and cyber crime, and even the protection of intellectual property.
Monitoring of the Internet has been stepped up in India since the 2008 attacks in Mumbai. Russia habitually describes sites that do no more than criticize the Kremlin as "extremist" to justify closing them down. Canada has introduced repressive Internet legislation under the label of the fight against paedophilia.
The United Kingdom, whose Digital Rights Bill aimed at protecting copyright has been singled out by U.N. Commissioner La Rue, went through a difficult period during the riots last August. In a worrying development, the Canadian company Research In Motion, manufacturers of the Blackberry, made the personal details of some users available to the police without a prior court order.
Despite international condemnation and the fact that its laws are outdated, France still applies the Loppsi Internet security law, which provides for official filtering of the Web, and the Hadopi law, which allows for Web access to be cut off to prevent illegal downloading of copyright content, despite several unsuccessful cases. Decrees ordering the application of other laws show that the usual reaction of the authorities is to impose filtering. Australia has yet to scrap its national filtering system, despite waning support and the fact that the type of content it is designed to cover may change.
Speeches by U.S. officials on the importance of the fight against online censorship and their financial support for anti-censorship tools is belied by the treatment of WikiLeaks (see the Reporters Without Borders report on the United States and the Internet). Using Visa and MasterCard to cut off its access to funds has hampered the site's operations. Bradley Manning, suspected of being one of WikiLeaks' informers, has been detained for several months in dreadful conditions. The founder of WikiLeaks, Julian Assange, is the subject of a "secret indictment" which Reporters Without Borders urges the U.S. authorities to clarify.
Response of Internet users and netizens of the "free world"
Internet users in Western countries cut their teeth with the Occupy Wall Street movement. Many of them took to the streets to protest against the repressive U.S. Stop Online Piracy Act (SOPA) and Protect IP Act (PIPA), which sacrificed Internet freedom for the sake of copyright protection. The operation Stop SOPA and the 24-hour blackout observed by many websites, including Wikipedia, mobilised Web users throughout the world who were potentially affected by these bills to an unprecedented extent.
The campaign took off again with a new wave of protest against the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement (ACTA), which up till then had left most people indifferent despite campaigns by the NGOs La Quadrature du Net and Reporters Without Borders. Netizens from all sides understood that these bills could affect on their day-to-day activities.
Eastern Europe spearheaded the campaign. Several governments held off ratification. Resistance to ACTA is stronger than ever and the treaty may not see the light of day. Vigilance must be maintained. The next target for Internet activists could be the Intellectual Property Rights Enforcement Directive (IPRED), proposed by the European Union to clamp down on infringements of intellectual property law, which could potentially lead to large-scale filtering of the Internet. Another blow for Web neutrality.
Internet sovereignty and fragmentation of the Web
Internet sovereignty is an idea that is gaining ground in the minds of national leaders, whether repressive or not. Others have followed the example of the national platform created in Burma in 2010. Several times in 2011, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmedinejad, true to his nationalist policies, announced the creation of a national Web, a "clean" version of the Internet with its own search engine and messaging service. This may mean two different types of access, one for the authorities and another for the rest of the population, similar to the way the Internet is now structured in Burma. Belarus requires commercial companies to register the websites they have set up in the country. This does not affect news and information sites for the time being.
Some countries such as North Korea, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Cuba, and also Iran, censor Internet access so effectively that they restrict their populations to local intranets that bear no resemblance to the World Wide Web. The decision by Twitter among others to apply location-specific censorship confirms the tendency to fall back on national Webs.
In 2011, the fragmentation of the Internet gathered pace. Web users were granted varying access depending on where they were connected. This is contrary to the original concept of the founders of the Web. Digital segregation is spreading. Solidarity between defenders of a free Internet, accessible to all, is more than ever needed for the information to continue to flow.The 2012 list of the Enemies of the Internet
Bahrain and Belarus move from "under surveillance" to "Enemies". Libya and Venezuela had been dropped from the list of countries "under surveillance" while India and Kazakhstan have been added to it.
Bahrain and Belarus, new Enemies of the Internet
Two countries, Bahrain and Belarus, have been moved from the "under surveillance" category to the "Enemies of the Internet" list, joining the ranks of the countries that restrict Internet freedom the most: Burma, China, Cuba, Iran, North Korea, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Vietnam. They combine often drastic content filtering with access restrictions, tracking of cyber-dissidents and online propaganda. Iran and China, in particular, reinforced their technical capacity in 2011 and China stepped up pressure on privately-owned Internet companies in order to secure their collaboration.
Iran has announced the launch of a national Internet. Iran and Vietnam have both launched a new wave of arrests, while the bloody crackdown on protests in Syria is hitting netizens hard and is enabling the regime to perfect its mastery of online surveillance with Iran's help. Turkmenistan has fought its first battle in the war over Information 2.0 while North Korea, which is developing its online presence for propaganda purposes, is confronted with an increase in smuggling of banned communications equipment across the Chinese border. In Cuba, bloggers supportive of the government and those critical of the regime argue online.
Saudi Arabia has continued its relentless censorship and suppressed coverage of a provincialuprising. Uzbekistan took measures to prevent Uznet from becoming a forum for discussing the Arab springs. There is one light of hope: the situation is improving in Burma, where the military have permitted the release of journalists and bloggers and the unblocking of news websites, but the legislative and technical tools for controlling and monitoring the Internet have yet to be dismantled.
Bahrain offers an example of an effective news blackout based on a remarkable array of repressive measures: keeping the international media away, harassing human rights activists, arresting bloggers and netizens (one of whom died in detention), smearing and prosecuting free speech activists, and disrupting communications, especially during the major demonstrations.
In Belarus, President Lukashenko's regime has increased his grip on the Web as the country sinks further into political isolation and economic stagnation. The Internet, a space used for circulating information and mobilizing protests, has been hit hard as the authorities have reacted to "revolution via the social media." The list of blocked websites has grown longer and the Internet was partially blocked during the "silent protests." Some Belarusian Internet users and bloggers have been arrested while others have been invited to "preventive conversations" with the police in a bid to get them to stop demonstrating or covering demonstrations. The government has used Twitter to send messages that are meant to intimidate demonstrators, and the main ISP has diverted those trying to access the online social network Vkontakte to sites containing malware. And Law No. 317-3, which took effect on 6 January 2012, reinforced Internet surveillance and control measures.
Movement in "countries under surveillance" list
The countries "under surveillance" list still includes Australia, whose government clings to a dangerous content filtering system; Egypt, where the new regime has resumed old practices and has directly targeted the most outspoken bloggers; Eritrea, a police state that keeps its citizens away from the Internet and is alarmed by its diaspora's new-found militancy online and on the streets of foreign cities; France, which continues its "three-strikes" policy on illégal downloading, with suspension of Internet access, and wher administrative filtering is introduced by an internal security law and appears with increasing frequency in decrees implementing laws; and Malaysia, which continues to harass bloggers (who have more credibility that the traditional media) in the run-up to general elections.
The "under surveillance" list also includes Russia, which has used cyber-attacks and has arrested bloggers and netizens to prevent a real online political debate; South Korea, which is stepping up censorship of propaganda from its northern neighbour and keeps an array of repressive laws; Sri Lanka, where online media and journalists continue to be blocked and physically attacked; Thailand, where the new government sends bloggers to prison and is reinforcing content filtering in the name of cracking down on lèse-majesté; Tunisia, where freedom of expression is still fragile and content filtering could be reimposed; Turkey, where thousands of websites are still inaccessible, alarming filtering initiatives have been taken and netizens and online journalists continue to be prosecuted; and the United Arab Emirates, where surveillance has been reinforced preventively in response to the Arab Spring.
Venezuela and Libya no longer under surveillance
In Libya, many challenges remain but the overthrow of the Gaddafi regime has ended an era of censorship. Before his removal and death, Col. Gaddafi had tried to impose a news blackout by cutting access to the Internet.
In Venezuela, access to the Internet continues to be unrestricted. The level of self-censorship is hard to evaluate but the adoption in 2011 of legislation that could potentially limit Internet freedom has yet to have any damaging effect in practice. Reporters Without Borders will nonetheless remain vigilant as relations between the government and critical media are tense.
India and Kazakhstan, new additions to the "under surveillance" category
Since the Mumbai bombings of 2008, the Indian authorities have stepped up Internet surveillance and pressure on technical service providers, while publicly rejecting accusations of censorship. The national security policy of the world's biggest democracy is undermining freedom of expression and the protection of Internet users' personal data.
Kazakhstan, which likes to think of itself as a regional model after holding the rotating presidency of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe in 2010, nonetheless seems to be turning its back on all its fine promises in order to take the road of cyber-censorship. An unprecedented oil workers strike, a major riot, a strange wave of bombings and the president's ailing health all helped to increase government tension in 2011 and led to greater control of information, especially online information: blocking of news websites, cutting of communications around the city of Zhanaozen during the riot, and new, repressive Internet regulations.
Thailand and Burma may be about to change places
If Thailand continues down the slope of content filtering and jailing netizens on lèse-majesté charges, it could soon join the club of the world's most repressive countries as regards the Internet.
Burma could soon leave the Enemies of the Internet list if the country takes the necessary measures. It has clearly embarked on a promising period of reforms, which has included the release of journalists and bloggers and the restoration of access to blocked websites. It must now go further by abandoning censorship altogether, releasing the journalists and bloggers still held, dismantling the surveillance apparatus that was built on the national Internet platform, and repealing the Electronic Act.
Other countries to watch
Other countries have jailed netizens or established a form of Internet censorship. Even if they are not on these lists, Reporters Without Borders will continue to closely monitor online freedom of information in countries such as Azerbaijan, Morocco and Tajikistan, to name just a few.
At the time of writing, Pakistan has invited private-sector companies to bid for the creation of a national Internet filtering and blocking system. Reporters Without Borders has asked the authorities to abandon this project, which would result in the creation of an Electronic Great Wall. If they go ahead, Pakistan could be added to the Enemies of the Internet in 2013.
http://en.rsf.org/beset-by-online-surveillance-and-12-03-2012,42061.html
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